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The Ultimate Game Day Spread with Big Flavor and Bigger Rewards for Sports Fans Everywhere Pit Smoked Wings Game Day Packs include 24 pit-smoked wings tossed in your choice of sauce "Our pit-smoked wings deliver the authentic barbecue taste that Dickey's is known for,” said Laura Rea Dickey , CEO of Dickey's Barbecue Restaurants, Inc. "Whether you go for classic barbecue, tangy buffalo, or bold sriracha, we have a sauce that's sure to be a crowd-pleaser for your game day gathering.” And here's the MVP offer: From December 26 through March 31, 2025 , Dickey's Rewards members will earn double points for every Game Day Pack purchase. Not a member yet? Signing up for the Big Yellow Cup Rewards program is quick and easy, giving you the chance to save on future meals while enjoying game day favorites now. "Rewards programs are a win for both our guests and our brand,” said Roland Dickey, Jr., CEO of Dickey's Capital Group. "This double-points promotion encourages loyalty while providing exceptional value. It's the perfect way to reward our fans while they cheer on their favorite teams.” The Game Day Pack is a slam dunk for any occasion, whether you're hosting a playoff watch party, celebrating the Super Bowl, or gearing up for March Madness. Packed with flavor and designed to share, these meals are an easy way to make every game day a winner. "Our loyalty program helps us connect with our guests in a meaningful way,” added Laura Rea Dickey. "According to industry research, loyalty programs are a top consideration for diners choosing an everyday dining option. By offering double rewards on our Game Day Packs, we're giving guests another reason to choose Dickey's for their sports celebrations.” Getting your hands on a Game Day Pack is easy. Order online at dickey's.com or through the Dickey's app. Members of the Big Yellow Cup Rewards program will automatically earn double points on qualifying purchases, making this promotion the ultimate play for flavor and savings. "Double the points and double the flavor-that's what we're all about with this promotion,” said Roland Dickey, Jr. "Game Day Packs bring people together for good food and good times, making every game day special.” Don't fumble this opportunity to bring bold barbecue to your game day lineup. Order your Game Day Pack today and enjoy double the rewards all season long. About Dickey's Barbecue Restaurants, Inc. Founded in 1941 by The Dickey Family, Dickey's Barbecue Restaurants, Inc. is the world's largest barbecue concept and continues as a third-generation family-run business. For over 80 years, Dickey's Barbecue Pit has served millions with its signature Legit. Texas. Barbecue.TM Slow-smoked over hickory wood-burning pits, Dickey's barbecued meats are paired with a variety of southern sides. Committed to authentic barbecue, Dickey's never takes shortcuts-because real barbecue can't be rushed. With over 866 restaurants across eight concepts in the U.S. and several countries, Dickey's Barbecue Franchise and Dickey's Restaurant Brands continues to grow under the leadership of Roland Dickey, Jr., CEO of Dickey's Capital Group, and Laura Rea Dickey, CEO of Dickey's Barbecue Pit, Inc. Dickey's has been recognized on Newsweek's 2022 "America's Favorite Restaurant Chains" list, Nation's Restaurant News 2024 top fast-casual brands for value, and USA Today's 2021 Readers' Choice Awards. The brand has also ranked in the Top 20 of Fast Casual's "Top 100 Movers and Shakers” for four of the past five years. Additional accolades include Entrepreneur's Top 500 Franchise and Hospitality Technology's Industry Heroes list. The brand has been featured by Fox News, Forbes, Franchise Times, The Wall Street Journal, and People Magazine . For more information, visit www.dickeys.com . For information about becoming a franchise partner, visit www.dickeysfranchise.com . Attachment Pit Smoked Wings CONTACT: Louisa Garrett Dickey's Barbecue Pit [email protected]Eagles try to clinch NFC East title with Hurts' head injury looming large
Sheriffs will likely play a key role in helping federal agents secure the border and deport illegal immigrants under President-elect Donald Trump. Trump made mass deportation of illegal immigrants a key part of his campaign to win a second term as almost 11 million people flooded into the country illegally since 2021. The president-elect’s incoming border czar, Tom Homan, has signaled a new era of federal, state, and local cooperation when it comes to deporting illegal immigrants. Homan, the former acting head of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), indicated he will first target those who have criminal convictions or are wanted for crimes. “The nation wants a safe country. We’ve had enough crime in this country,” Homan said during a stop at the Texas border in November. Sheriffs in the nation’s 3,100 counties could play an essential role in helping ICE to identify and detain illegal immigrants, said Sam Bushman, CEO of the Constitutional Sheriffs and Peace Officers Association (CSPOA), a conservative organization that opposes “unconstitutional” government overreach. As chief law enforcement officers in their counties, elected sheriffs have more latitude than appointed police chiefs. They have authority over criminal investigations, serving warrants, managing county jails, and providing court security within the county. Bushman foresees cooperation between willing county, state, and federal authorities to deport illegal immigrants, possibly through the creation of a new coordination agency or command center. “I think that we could create an organization that communicates with this trifecta, and that would be very effective,” he said. Richard Mack, a former Arizona sheriff and founder of CSPOA, has been in contact with Homan and believes sheriffs will be an integral part of border security and deportation efforts because of their unique understanding of their jurisdictions. “Who in this country knows their counties better than the sheriff?” he asked. Because of their local knowledge, sheriffs are in a unique position to help make deportation safer and easier, Mack told The Epoch Times. Regardless of politics, sheriffs must protect their constituents from crime and criminals, both tied to illegal immigration in terms of drug and human smuggling along with violent gang activity, he said. Policy experts have suggested that the federal government could deputize local law enforcement under its 287(g) program to aid ICE because the agency likely doesn’t have the manpower to do so alone. The 287(g) program currently provides a framework of cooperation wherein local jails work with ICE to identify illegal immigrants as they are booked for a crime. ICE and designated local law enforcement can then hold that inmate for up to an additional 48 hours so that ICE can take custody of the inmate. Homan has touted the program as a safe deportation pipeline, as ICE officers can pick up deportees within the safety of a jail setting, rather than having to organize an operation out in the community. Former Chief of the U.S. Border Patrol Rodney Scott, who served under both Trump and Biden, said in a previous interview with The Epoch Times that Trump could expand the 287(g) program to help with deportations, as he did during his first term. Scott was recently nominated by Trump to serve as the incoming Customs and Border Protection commissioner. In the blue state of Maryland, Frederick County Sheriff Chuck Jenkins, a longtime Republican, recalls when the task force model was operational in 2008. “We had deputies on the street that could work at the direction of ICE and with ICE to take into custody people who had deportation warrants and so forth,” Jenkins told The Epoch Times. Reinstating the task force model would help expedite the deportation of criminals in the country illegally, he said. The Trump administration could also send representatives to local sheriff departments to recruit them to join the program, he said. “ICE can’t do it alone, or certainly not enough,” Jenkins said. “We need to be a force multiplier for them.” Tying federal grant money to sheriff department cooperation with ICE would likely convince many to come on board, he said. Even if sheriffs don’t participate in arresting illegal immigrants, they could help in other ways, such as providing transportation and logistical support and workspace for ICE, he said. Jenkins said Frederick County’s jail-based detainer program has been successful, resulting in the removal of about 2,000 illegal immigrant criminals in the county. Under the 287(g) program, sheriff’s office employees are trained to file a detainer and prepare the paperwork under the supervision of ICE in an effort to streamline the process, he said. San Diego County Sheriff Kelly Martinez, who serves in the nation’s fifth most populous county, has vowed to defy a new county policy to limit cooperation with federal deportation efforts. Earlier this month, San Diego County supervisors voted to ban its sheriff department from working with ICE on the federal agency’s enforcement of civil immigration laws, including those that allow for deportations. California law generally prohibits cooperation but makes exceptions for those convicted of certain violent crimes. Martinez, whose office is nonpartisan but considers herself a Democrat, said she wouldn’t honor the new policy and that the county government doesn’t oversee her office. “Current state law strikes the right balance between limiting local law enforcement’s cooperation with immigration authorities, ensuring public safety, and building community trust,” Martinez said. In the blue state of Michigan, Barry County Sheriff Dar Lief said it is important to remove violent criminals from the streets. “I’m on board with that,” he told The Epoch Times. Lief echoed the belief of Trump and his surrogates during the presidential campaign that many of the illegal immigrants coming into the country were from prison systems or asylums. “Nonetheless, our governor here asked residents to take in illegal immigrants,” he said. “Who are you opening up your house to?” Lief said he warned the citizens of Barry County against taking in illegal immigrants, which Gov. Gretchen Whitmer called “new Americans,” because there was no guarantee they were properly vetted. Not all blue states or city leaders are against Trump’s deportation plan to remove criminal illegal immigrants. “We will not be a safe haven for those who commit violent acts. We don’t do it for those who are citizens, and we’re not going to do it for those who are undocumented,” Adams said during a press conference. Adams said law-abiding illegal immigrants are welcome in the city. Still, it was a “terrible mistake” to allow those in the country unlawfully to commit violent crimes repeatedly, especially those associated with gangs. “Someone breaks the law—I‘ll be the first one to call up ICE and say, ’Get them out of here,'” she said. Homan said blue city officials don’t have to cooperate, but he has repeatedly warned them not to stand in his way. Homan recently announced he would begin deportations in Chicago, criticizing Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson and Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker for resisting the removal of criminal immigrants. “If he impedes us, if he knowingly harbors and conceals an illegal alien, I will prosecute him,” Homan said of the Chicago mayor. The operation consists of Department of Public Safety law enforcement and Texas National Guard members. The program also focuses on arresting illegal immigrants for trespassing on private ranchland along the border—offering a unique roadmap for how counties could help deport illegal immigrants. Brent Smith, the county attorney for Kinney County, has plenty of experience dealing with illegal immigrants in his county, which sits along the Texas–Mexico border. Kinney County has prosecuted the largest number of illegal immigrants for trespass and related misdemeanors under Operation Lone Star. In 2019 and 2020, the small, rural county dealt with just 254 and 132 misdemeanor cases, respectively, mostly involving U.S. citizens. The U.S. citizen caseload has remained somewhat constant, but because of illegal immigration, the total number of misdemeanor cases shot up to 6,799 in 2022 and 5,826 in 2023, according to numbers obtained from the county attorney’s office. Smith told The Epoch Times that trespassing arrests in Kinney County under Operation Lone Star offered valuable lessons on how to run a border security initiative. At first, funding went to provide law enforcement, but Smith said it became clear that there needed to be more funding for the entire county justice system for prosecutors, public defenders, clerks, and judges to process illegal immigrants charged with trespassing. “What I foresee is some very strong 287(g) agreements being entered into, and state and local law enforcement actually becoming an arm of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) immigration enforcement,” he said. He said that after undergoing a DHS training program, local officers are considered immigration officers under the supervision of an ICE agent. He pointed to former Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio, who was known for implementing the 287(g) task force successfully to arrest illegal immigrants in Arizona but came under fire during the Obama administration. Maricopa County’s 287(g) program was canceled in 2011 after a Department of Justice investigation accused the sheriff of racial profiling. In 2012, the Obama administration discontinued the task force and hybrid models of the program altogether. Trump expanded the program in his first term to 150 agreements with local law enforcement and broadened the removal criteria to include misdemeanors. Smith said that once Trump ends the Biden administration’s catch-and-release policy, there will be more “gotaways,” which will require a shift in resources to focus on apprehension instead of processing those claiming asylum. Money—or the lack of it—will be an essential tool in deportation and border security, he said. On the state level, he has been discussing a bill with Texas lawmakers that would require sheriffs to apply for 287(g) agreements before receiving state grant funding. The same principle could be applied to federal grant money for cities such as Chicago, he said. “How much is your political leanings worth to you? Is it worth $1,000, or $100,000, or $2 million?” he said. “We’re going to find out.”
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JACKSONVILLE, Fla. — Greg McGarity had reason to be concerned. The Gator Bowl president kept a watchful eye on College Football Playoff scenarios all season and understood the fallout might affect his postseason matchup in Jacksonville. What if the Southeastern Conference got five teams into the expanded CFP? What if the Atlantic Coast Conference landed three spots? It was a math problem that was impossible to truly answer, even into late November. Four first-round playoff games, which will end with four good teams going home without a bowl game, had the potential to shake up the system. The good news for McGarity and other bowl organizers: Adding quality teams to power leagues — Oregon to the Big Ten, Texas to the SEC and SMU to the ACC — managed to ease much of the handwringing. McGarity and the Gator Bowl ended up with their highest-ranked team, No. 16 Ole Miss, in nearly two decades. "It really didn't lessen our pool much at all," McGarity said. "The SEC bowl pool strengthened with the addition of Texas and Oklahoma. You knew they were going to push traditional SEC teams up or down. Texas ended up pushing just about everyone down." The long waiting game was the latest twist for non-CFP bowls that have become adept at dealing with change. Efforts to match the top teams came and went in the 1990s and first decade of this century before the CFP became the first actual tournament in major college football. It was a four-team invitational — until this year, when the 12-team expanded format meant that four quality teams would not be in the mix for bowl games after they lose next week in the first round. "There's been a lot of things that we've kind of had to roll with," said Scott Ramsey, president of the Music City Bowl in Nashville, Tennessee. "I don't think the extra games changed our selection model to much degree. We used to look at the New York's Six before this, and that was 12 teams out of the bowl mix. The 12-team playoff is pretty much the same." Ramsey ended up with No. 23 Missouri against Iowa in his Dec. 30 bowl. A lot of so-called lesser bowl games do have high-profile teams — the ReliaQuest Bowl has No. 11 Alabama vs. Michigan (a rematch of last year's CFP semifinal), Texas A&M and USC will play in the Las Vegas Bowl while No. 14 South Carolina and No. 15 Miami, two CFP bubble teams, ended up in separate bowls in Orlando. "The stress of it is just the fact that the CFP takes that opening weekend," Las Vegas Bowl executive director John Saccenti said. "It kind of condenses the calendar a little bit." Bowl season opens Saturday with the Cricket Celebration Bowl. The first round of the CFP runs Dec. 20-21. It remains to be seen whether non-CFP bowls will see an impact from the new dynamic. They will know more by 2026, with a planned bowl reset looming. It could include CFP expansion from 12 to 14 teams and significant tweaks to the bowl system. More on-campus matchups? More diversity among cities selected to host semifinal and championship games? And would there be a trickle-down effect for everyone else? Demand for non-playoff bowls remains high, according to ESPN, despite increased focus on the expanded CFP and more players choosing to skip season finales to either enter the NCAA transfer portal or begin preparations for the NFL draft. "There's a natural appetite around the holidays for football and bowl games," Kurt Dargis, ESPN's senior director of programming and acquisitions, said at Sports Business Journal's Intercollegiate Athletics Forum last week in Las Vegas. "People still want to watch bowl games, regardless of what's going on with the playoff. ... It's obviously an unknown now with the expanded playoff, but we really feel like it's going to continue." The current bowl format runs through 2025. What lies ahead is anyone's guess. Could sponsors start paying athletes to play in bowl games? Could schools include hefty name, image and likeness incentives for players participating in bowls? Would conferences be willing to dump bowl tie-ins to provide a wider range of potential matchups? Are bowls ready to lean into more edginess like Pop-Tarts has done with its edible mascot? The path forward will be determined primarily by revenue, title sponsors, TV demand and ticket sales. "The one thing I have learned is we're going to serve our partners," Saccenti said. "We're going to be a part of the system that's there, and we're going to try to remain flexible and make sure that we're adjusting to what's going on in the world of postseason college football." Get local news delivered to your inbox!
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